Your Black World: Barack Obama, and the Dark Cloud of Infallibility

By: Tolu Olorunda

Barack Obama, having been born to a Kenyan Father, must be accountable to Africans, Africa and its descendants. His life story seems to have gripped the hearts and minds of millions around the world, but a much darker cloud hovers around the man known to many - both Black and White - as the 'Change machine.' Whether Obama's fans and supporters muster up the courage to admit this fact or not, not much can be deducted from the reality that the Illinois Senator has numerously spat in the face of Africans, African Americans, South-Americans and Palestinians. If Sen. Obama is not pressured by the African-American Community into re-thinking his policies vis-a-vis Africa, Sen. Obama would, knowingly or unknowingly, incorporate the identity of what the grand-educator, Dr. John Henrik Clarke described as, "Brown Skin White Men." Africans in Africa have, for an extended period of time, experienced the phenomenon of dark-skinned presidents with Eurocentric interests and sensibilities. The only difference between what has been, and what might become, is the vehement disapproval and dissent from amongst the oppressed constituency which has historically set a precedent. Unfortunately, what many African-Americans are failing to realize, is that this moment in history would mark a rare occurrence in which a Black Man with a record of anti-African ideologies, gets elected president. This would inevitably further the already established rift between Africans and African-Americans -- as Africans would look over the horizon and see the perpetrator of oppression and repression in Africa as a Black man, courtesy of a 90% approval rating amongst the Black American Community. Obama knows this, but callously proceeds with his mythical call for inter-racial and inter-ethnic unity. He has chosen to walk a path that overwrites his African Ancestry. As a Son of Africa and America, Obama understood, more than most, that there comes a time when one must shed the cloak of double-play, and pick a side to fight for, and on behalf of. It is at this point, unequivocally clear, which side Obama is rooting for.

As the well-packaged NBA playoffs ad went, "There can only be one." It is virtually impossible for any sitting president to straddle the fence between good and evil. In the wildfire sport of American politics, it is imperative that one pick what team to play on. This reality became increasingly obvious, when Dennis Kucinich was openly refused podiums at 'Democratic' debates, in spite of the illegality involved. It also played out in the John Edwards campaign -- as many saw 2008 as his year and moment to finally clinch the Democratic Party presidential nomination after two unsuccessful attempts in the past. Little did John Edwards know, that running on a platform which strived to pick up where Dr. King left off vis-a-vis poverty, would automatically handicap any such political endeavors. Barack Obama, much to the oblivion of his fan base, has chosen to play the field for the most egregious lobbyists and serial-capitalists this nation - and really the world - has to offer. It will be a shame if the efforts of Margaret Kimberly, Glen Ford, Paul Street, Bruce Dixon and Adolf Reed Jr. fall short of the intended mark: resurrecting the millions of Obama zombies who clap and chant at his every word. His many supporters argue that Senator Obama's historic presidential bid is a lasting inspiration for young Black and Brown kids who have been relegated to hopelessness and despondency at the thought of being underrepresented - if at all represented - by the former and present presidents of their country. I respectfully disagree.

Black and Brown kids are not dumb or incapable of political analysis. They are well aware of the back-bending, tap-dancing and circus-clowning that Barack Obama has had to execute to make White folks feel comfortable enough to vote for him. They have witnessed his relentless extrication from "Black" and "Brown" and "Native-American"-specific issues, and his constant willingness to pursue and publicly tackle those "white only" subject-matters. They have heard his unforgivable remarks after the verdict in the Sean Bell case, and his condescending comments hurled at Black parents who are financially-disempowered and unable to provide nutritional meals for their kids, so therefore feed their kids the remnant from the previous night's fast-food snack (He used Popeyes as an example). They also witnessed his thundering remonstration against Black Men in his infamous "Father's Day Speech," in which he claimed that Black Men were somehow predisposed to sitting in the house and watching "SportsCenter all weekend long” -- notwithstanding the fact that in a previous interview, he admitted to “Monday Night Football” being his "favorite TV Show" and watching "a lot of SportsCenter — for better or worse.” Black and Brown kids are well informed about his unabashed endorsement of Africom -- a clear militarization, pulverization and westernization of African soil and oil. Black and Brown kids don't need CNN to decipher Obama's naiveté, and the exploitation of it by Washington Insiders and political-sophists (also known as strategists). They can also decode the science behind Rev. Jesse Jackson's vulgar but veracious condemnation of Obama's vicious disposal towards Black Americans, and the immediate and detectable difference in Obama's rhetoric afterwards. They view Rev. Jesse's conduct as a God-given right to forcefully push Sen. Obama in the direction of righteousness. Many Black and Brown kids are not inspired, but inhibited.

On August 1, in a campaign rally at St. Petersburg, Florida, something timely happened: Obama was, for the first time in a long time, doused with a dose of reality. Like the biblical tale of the 'three wise men' who overcame numerous hurdles in favor of fulfilling a prophetic mission, three young Black men from the Uhuru Movement - under the leadership of Chairman Omali Yeshitela - stood up, with great candor, and challenged Obama to a roll call of 'Black and African specific Issues.' One would imagine that the once-community-organizer would excel exceedingly well in a field he has occasionally boasted to have 'majored-in.' But what ensued for the next 5 minutes, could only be described as a singular coherent-line of "I think you are misinformed," and a marathon of stuttering that would make Moses blush. Barack Obama's concertgoers were being introduced to another side of him that they - quite obviously - weren't prepared to see. To shield their precious Obama from this unusual moment of embarrassment, his supporters drowned the cry, compassion and cause of Diop Olugbala - the lead protester - in emotional chants of "Yes We Can." The crowd's display was reminiscent of the very first episode of the animated political-show, "The Boondocks," in which the lead character, "Huey," at a Garden Party, spoke pejoratively and disparagingly of Ronald Reagan, Mel Gibson and White people in general -- much to the adoration and admiration of the nearly all-white listening audience. Explaining this phenomenon to his Granddad, he said, "They love me. These people aren't worried about us. They're not worried about anything. They're rich. No matter what happens, these people just keep applauding." Senator Obama, in a very disturbing way personifies this character -- as the man in their eyes, who can do no wrong. At the incipient of the Uhuru protest, one witnesses certain White members in the crowd, who leaped from their sit to silence the activists, and upon Obama's immediate censure of the heckling, their applause and chants only accelerated.

When the issue of the Green Party is raised and how Cynthia McKinney - with the assistance of Rosa Clemente - can be an exceptional asset in exerting progressive pressure upon Obama's candidacy, many - including Renowned poet, Amiri Baraka - deplore the very thought. But how else is Sen. Obama to answer the clarion call of the Black Community if no threat to his rigid fan base within that very community is established? With this reality, I'm compelled to believe that not only are the bulk of Obama's supporters unwilling to face the truth, but they have become de-synthesized to the crisis and potential failures that could erupt from his presidency -- based on the political platforms and proposals he has, thus far, tabled. The disciples of Barack Obama claim – with much delight – that one of the incentives of an Obama Presidency is the readiness of Barack Obama to be held accountable. This farce was, of course, drafted to convince progressives into perceiving the potential candidacy of Obama as a resource worth tapping into. Regrettably, if Barack Obama truly hopes to be held to the highest standard of accountability, he wouldn’t have failed the first preliminary test so easily. Regardless of the millions who demanded that Mr. Obama not support the FISA legislation he once denounced, Obama proceeded to cast a vote in support of retro-active immunity for the companies which knowingly abetted illegal and corrupt activities. This can’t possibly a good sign of what’s to come. Obamamites choose to disagree, but one thing remains indisputable and irrefutable: If ALL of Obama's supporter-base was, today, awoken from their slumber and sleep-walking, Cynthia McKinney would be the 44th President of the U.S., with Rosa Clemente as her V.P. For Obama's campaign managers, there seems to be a vested interest in keeping his supporters asleep.

Your Black News: What About the Black Community America?

By Peniel E. Joseph,

What About the Black Community America?

A front page story in today's New York Times explores the way in which Barack Obama's presidential candidacy has precipitated excitement and anxiety among African Americans underscores the way in which race continues
to contour the dynamics of this historic election. Obama's march to the Democratic Party's presidential nomination has produced what I call "racial vertigo" in the United States and beyond. Racial vertigo is characterized by a profound inability to comprehend historic events and phenomena due to the way in which they upend pre-conceived notions of America's color-line. This is to say that the prospect and promise of Barack Obama being elected America's first black president has dramatically transformed the national political landscape in ways that continue to defy analysis. In America, what the pre-eminent black intellectual of the twentieth century--W.E.B. Du Bois--called "double-consciousness" cuts both ways. Du Bois defined "double-consciousness" as the tightrope between American citizenship and black marginalization that African Americans faced. Famously, Du Bois wrote of a "veil" or wall that separated blacks and whites in a world where skin color shaped social, political, and economic reality. The color-line imposed its will on white folk as well, allowing them to embrace an identity that, in large measure, defined itself as anti-black. This fiction was backed by an elaborate mythology that used popular culture, public policy, and, as a last resort, racial terror to rationalize black oppression. Racial vertigo distorts these deeply ingrained assumptions that shape the hopes, dreams, ambitions, potential, and imagination of all Americans.

Obama's dramatic primary battle against Hilary Clinton revealed stark racial and gender cleavages within the Democratic Party and the nation as a whole. In his two best-selling books, Dream From My Father and The Audacity of Hope, Obama expressed a romantic admiration for 1960s era civil rights heroes and a generational fatigue with the cultural wars that continue to
remain one of that decade's most enduring legacies. Many of Clinton's most ardent supporters participated in these culture wars and are openly skeptical of Obama's candidacy. Although couched in terms of Obama's perceived lack of political experience, such women offer up telling examples of the effects of racial vertigo. Many of these women view Obama as the
worse kind of example of Affirmative Action, where America's vicious legacy of racism trumps what they view as an even more pernicious and enduring gender inequality. Feminist icon Gloria Steinem lobbed the first salvo in this discourse, arguing that Obama's gender made his candidacy possible in a provocative New York Times op-ed that distorted the nation's tragic legacy of racism and sexism by arguing that blacks received the right to vote fifty years before women, while conveniently forgetting that most African Americans could not vote until 1965. Geraldine Ferraro, former congresswoman and the 1984 Democratic vice-presidential nominee, ratcheted up this line of attack further by suggesting that Obama's race proved to be his major asset among a media and public enthralled by the voguish notion of racial identity. When critics objected, Ferraro hurled allegations of reverse racism and displayed a spirit of entitlement and seething anger at black advancement that echoed the passionate white response to Boston's busing crisis of the early 1970s.

Such attacks, of course, proved to be a double-edged sword. As noted scholar and public intellectual Boyce Watkins has observed, Bill Clinton helped make Obama a political "king" through his ill-advised comparison of the Illinois junior senator to civil rights activist Jesse Jackson. Billionaire entrepreneur Bob Johnson and Harlem Congressman Charlie Rangle inadvertently contributed to Obama's ascent through equally impolitic assertions that brought up Obama's admitted past drug abuse. Cumulatively, explicit and implicit racial attacks against Obama galvanized unprecedented black support. The candidate who, at the beginning of 2007, faced blunt questions about his racial authenticity has evolved into the most popular and
universally beloved black public figure since Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Obama's soaring popularity has stoked hopes, dreams, and fears about the transformative power of his candidacy. Liberals, neo-liberals, and conservative magazines, newspapers, and journals (ranging from the New York Times to Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report) have openly wondered whether Obama's extraordinary ability to attract white voters in the Democratic primaries illustrated America's evolution into a "post-racial" phase of national politics. From this perspective, white voters' embrace of Obama during the January 2008 Iowa caucuses signaled a watershed moment in America's racial history.

More provocatively, some have suggested that Obama's election as president could signal the "end of black politics." In this narrative Obama's ability to situate himself as a candidate who happened to be black, rather than the black candidate, is evidence of the decline of identity politics among black elected officials. Fresh political faces, including Massachusetts Governor
Deval Patrick, Newark Mayor Cory Booker, and Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter, are touted as post-racial elected officials whose appeal transcends the explicitly racial identifications of the civil rights-Black Power era.

Contemporary events have complicated both of these arguments. Obama's difficulty in attracting white working-class voters in Ohio and Pennysylvania, coupled with the explicitly racial tint of Clinton's victories in Kentucky and West Virginia belied notions of a post-racial American political landscape. The raging controversy over Obama's former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, dominated media attention and threatened to undermine the candidate's universal appeal. Ironically, faced with the toughest political test of his career, Obama responded with his most forceful, eloquent, and thoughtful statement on race. Obama's speech, "Toward a More Perfect Union," came closest to outlining the litany of historical ills and contemporary burdens that plague the African American community. At the same time, he leavened this criticism by empathizing with the fears and concerns white Americans have about black people in general
and, by proxy, his own groundbreaking candidacy. In the aftermath of this widely discussed speech journalists and commentators predicted a renewed national conversation about race on a level unseen since the 1960s. Obama's campaign however, quickly dropped this controversial subject in favor of more unifying themes focused on the bread and butter economic issues facing the vast majority of the electorate.

The black community's overwhelming support for Obama has been tempered by this complex political landscape. Nationally, media pundits and journalist have interpreted Obama's individual political success as a litmus test for America's racial progress. Such a formula confuses Obama's iconic run for the presidency as positive proof of the end of institutional racism. In effect it substitutes individual achievement for collective racial progress. Certainly African Americans have embraced Obama's candidacy with a mixture of pride, admiration, and anxiety at witnessing history unfurling before their eyes. Obama's candidacy may in fact be one of the few points of unity between the civil rights and Hip Hop generation. Both groups, for different reasons, admire Obama's confidence, self-determination, and sense of style. Obama's candidacy also reflects a watershed of sorts, in terms of individual achievement in American society, one built on barriers broken during the civil rights era and by a host of entrepreneurial, sports, and entertainment figures. Yet the myth that Obama's ascent means the end of racism remains a
powerful allure of his candidacy. A host of social-economic indicators--from dramatic rates of AIDS/HIV, incarceration and poverty rates to income, wealth, educational and health care disparities--contradict this myth. Nonetheless, Obama's campaign continues to be interpreted by mainstream opinion makers as empirical proof of the declining significance of race.

Black leaders have reacted cautiously to the bold new racial and political landscape Obama's candidacy has seemingly ushered. Old guard civil rights leaders, unable to believe that the same nation that terrorized civil rights workers could actually elect a black man in their lifetime, enthusiastically supported Clinton's candidacy only to be chastened by history's spectacularly dramatic tide. Jesse Jackson, whose important 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns paved the way for a black president, publicly supported Obama but privately grumbled and inadvertently went on record castigating the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee as "talking down
to black folks." Veteran civil rights activist, former Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee Chairman, and Georgia Congressman changed his support from Clinton to Obama after agonizing months of deliberation. Meanwhile, a new generation of black elected officials embraced Obama's themes of change. For this new cadre of black elected officials, claiming national political power in states, cities, and a nation dominated by a white electorate required a new political paradigm. Whereas racial solidarity led to the election of the first wave of African American officials ushered into office after the 1965 Voting Rights Act, this new guard touts individual achievement, intellectual ability, and political effectiveness in an effort to convey to white voters their ability to judiciously utilize political power. Finally, despite rumors of their demise, grassroots activists related to the Black Power era have offered perhaps the most stinging denunciations of Obama's candidacy. On August 1, 2008 an Obama rally in St. Petersburg, Florida, was disrupted by local black militants who held up a sign, "What About the Black Community, Obama?" Obama's reluctance to embrace a robust agenda for racial justice, urban renewal, and anti-poverty has left such activists fuming and embittered. Along with former representative Cynthia McKinney's third-party candidacy and the intellectual dissent of a small group of black scholars and activists, the St. Petersburg militants have expressed the most vocal opposition to Obama's candidacy.

The inability of such dissenting voices to be heard is unfortunate inasmuch as it reflects a lack of political maturity within national and African American politics. Obama's pursuit of political power has struck his radical critics as ruthless, even as they attempt, through their own more limited means, to gain political strength through organizing at the local level. The extraordinary numbers of African American willing to follow Obama rather than grassroots black militants illustrates the profound gulf that currently exists between radical rhetoric and reality. Ultimately, Obama's impact on black politics remains an unfolding historical process, one whose
reverberations continue to be felt at the local, national, and international level. Since only a future Obama administration can effectively answer the blunt question posed by young militants in St. Petersburg, perhaps the question should be rephrased as part of a national dialogue about race that instead asks: "What about the black community America?"


Peniel E. Joseph is associate professor of African and Afro-American Studies at Brandeis University. During the 2008-2009 academic year he will be a fellow at Harvard University's Charles Warren Center. Dr. Joseph is the award-winning author of Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. His forthcoming book is entitled, From Black Power to Barack Obama. He is a frequent national commentator on issues related race, civil rights, and democracy and is providing historical analysis for both the Democratic and Republican Conventions as part of PBS NewsHour.